CHAPTER TWELVE

 

ASPECTS OF DOWNLAND TOURISM'S SOCIAL IMPACT.

The two case studies raised a number of social issues related to tourism. On Dartmoor theft of artifacts is a problem. In The Malverns the incursion of an alien culture in the form of New Age Travellers solicited a dramatic local response. In Chapter 11 the tripartite balance between tourism, conservation and the environment was debated. The combination of landscape protection and recreational planning has significant social implications. This chapter discusses a number of social issues, selected because of their direct relevance to Downland recreational tourism.

 

Central to any social issue is the local population for which landscape conservation measures can have dire consequences. For example, following the establishment of the American National Parks Service by an Act of 1916, in the following 35 years, large areas of landscape were deliberately depopulated.[1]

 

On the Sussex Downs the picture is substantially different. Precise population estimates for the Downland vary. Previously it has been estimated that there is a resident population in the core study area of about 36,734 persons.[2] Using the RDC estimates encapsulated in the Rural Panel Report of the SDCB of 1994, it is possible to look at population dynamics.[3] These estimates are for the AONB population and have the advantage of including typical rural village locations just outside the core study area, falling within the peripheral zone as outlined in Chapter 2, but without including the substantial conurbations of towns such as Brighton.

 

The picture that emerges is of a population which has grown by 3.56 percent between 1981 and 1991. Just under 15 percent of households are now without a car, compared with a figure of 28.47 percent of households in Sussex overall. The greater likelihood that two or more cars are owned suggests that the AONB resident enjoys a degree of mobility and perhaps affluence greater than that of Sussex in general.

 

Noticeable within the population is the change over the 1981-1991 period of the age profile. This is illustrated in Figure 12:1.

 

 

 

 

Much of the growth overall is attributable to an aging populace, for example the 85 years and over group have increased by 50 percent over the decade. The anomalous reduction in the 5-15 age group will soon be redressed by a growing 0-4 age group; a picture that is replicated for rural Sussex overall. Within the population demographics, a number of trends can be identified which illustrate the nature of social change that is ongoing. Increased personal mobility is making the Downland a commuter dormitory for the economically active urban areas away from the Downs. This is fuelled by declining employment in agriculture and the general growth in employment in service sector jobs. Fifty seven percent of the population are economically active, and unemployment at 2.62 percent, is less than that for Sussex overall which is at 4.11 percent.

 

Increased mobility is reducing the dependance on public transport, a trend which has been relentless since World War II. This in turn enables public services to be centralised, often away from the village locations. Rural communities increasingly become marginalised. The countryside as a result becomes the domain of the affluent middle classes, as can be seen from the demographics of Downland visitors from the Visitor Survey.[4] This in-migration to rural areas as identified by Glyptis[5] et al, leads to a gentrification of the villages, a flourishing of the "not in my backyard" syndrome and the isolation of the rural poor. Planning measures aimed at protecting the AONB can easily exacerbate this scenario.

 

Against such a social background what role has Downland tourism and recreation to play? This chapter goes on to consider a number of key social issues and to propose ways in which they may be managed to advantage. In Chapter 4 the symbiotic relationship of tourism with all other activities of man has been discussed. Of particular importance is the ability of tourism to affect, either directly or indirectly, many aspects of human endeavour, especially when one considers that for many the dual role of host and visitor applies.

 

One of the social issues that arises with tourism is the cultural impact. Short and long term migration become inextricably linked with tourism in its broadest sense.  Traditional rural cultural groups are dislodged by the incursion of affluent middle classes originating from the urban society, initially as visitors but often later as permanent residents. Urry points out that this influx of new people into the countryside is having a major affect. Not only is it precipitating the growth of the countryside conservation movement, it is also affecting the demand for homes in the countryside and the style of those homes. The cause is the romanticised view of the countryside and how it should be secured.[6]

 

The characteristics of these new residents is that, being middle aged, their personal objectives and priorities are undergoing change. From being earlier, successful business people or having raised their children, they seek alternative lifestyles and goals. Glyptis notes that being active in politics or hobby farming typify the pursuits.[7] Furthermore, with historic affluence, being vocal and having the ability to orchestrate their opinions into action, they are able to devote attention to the conservation of the Downland environment as defined within their own value systems. Within the governing democratic process, they arguably become the dominant decision makers. This in turn leads to the removal of those human artifacts and alternative cultures which fail to conform with their idealised notion of the countryside, whether they be communication masts, smells, concrete farm buildings or itinerant Gypsies. The countryside as a result of this postmodern attitude is in danger of becoming a theme or a spectacle.[8]

 

It is not difficult to imagine the culture clash when a hippy convoy penetrates the idealised landscape. Seen by some as a convoy of pollution [9] it contravenes all the value systems. Old vans and coaches are the travellers homes instead of the pseudo rusticated estate houses of the middle class residents. The audio-visual interpretation facilities at the country heritage centre are displaced by the music of an ad hoc rave. A culture founded on low incomes and dependance on state welfare clashes with the alternative middle class value systems epitomised by economic independence. The middle class notion of the countryside has no room to play host to the refugees of a society which cannot maintain everyone in full employment and offers cardboard boxes as the living accommodation for many homeless people.[10] The travellers culture of "free spirit" conflicts markedly with that of the "responsible" classes who are locked into a society of national insurance numbers, bank accounts and "privileges" such as mortgages, health insurance and pensions for those who set aside income from well paid employment and generally conform to the system.

 

Cultural intrusion can therefore have devastating results as can be seen from the Malvern Hills case study which reviews the Castlemorton Common invasion in 1982 [11], a situation which was replicated on the Goodwood Estates and elsewhere on the Downland in the spring of 1993. At the time police toured the countryside to prevent illegal rave festivals.[12]  The Home Secretary promised legislation to deal with New Age Travellers as an alternative to farmers having to manure their fields to see them off.[13] This has emerged as the controversial Criminal Justice Act.[14] The attitude appears to be: if they were not acting illegally previously, we will soon make it so. Such emotive reaction by politicians raises fundamental questions relating to any cultural invasion of the countryside. Who is the countryside for and which cultural groups are acceptable? The travellers rejection of societal values makes them unacceptable and yet much of the motivation for modern day countryside tourism stems from a repudiation of many aspects of modern urban life.[15] Similar hostility exists towards other unacceptable activities, whether it be conifer forests or low priced housing estates, although the hostility will be expressed in different ways.

What emerges is a cognitive dissonance in the way the community deals with cultural intrusion and many other aspects of the countryside that do not conform to the idealised notion of the most powerful social group. It is for many acceptable for the mobile middle classes to relocate in the country villages, squeezing out the traditional rural population through inflated house prices and decline in rural services. It is unacceptable for the alternative lifestyle travellers to intrude on the Downland, and yet each disturb the traditional social rural infrastructure and threaten the culture of the Downland communities.

 

The underlying message that emerges is one of mutual appreciation that the Downland is no more a middle class enclave than a hippy convoy camp. The prevailing cultural paradigm, by its very nature, seeks to justify and protect its own value systems from threat elsewhere. Each cultural influence has a place and tourism in its broadest sense needs to accommodate such a view.

 

Is there potential for the enhancement of culture through tourism? It is generally accepted that the influx of tourism dilutes a local culture. This particularly applies to mass tourism locations often not generally associated with the Sussex Downs. In the case of the Downland, the incumbent culture is perpetually evolving through dynamic changes within society itself as well as through the intrusion of alien cultures. Tourism however can provide a raison d'etre for sustaining and preserving a particular valued cultural heritage.

 

In Chapter 11 the merits of localised economic activity are discussed under "Sustainable Development Zones" and it is noted that this can particularly apply to Downland villages. To give a distinct visitor appeal, a village may exploit a cultural theme to not only enhance its tourist image but also to provide character to the village overall. East Dean near Beachy Head may well focus on the smuggling theme, with the Tiger Inn and the Blacksmiths Forge where contraband was once concealed in the underground vault.[16] The antisocial behaviour of yesterday becomes the commercial opportunity of tomorrow. Will the same thinking be applied to hippy convoys in 100 years time? The nurturing of a village theme, in turn, would give rise to the development of a cottage industry with economic benefits to the local community, as well as perpetuating interest in local culture and heritage. Pursuits that could be developed on a village basis include sheep farming, local foods, music and the arts, wildlife, etc. Such themes need not necessarily relate to historic subject matter. New local cottage industry might produce Downland Knitwear or Shepherds Crooks and other walking accoutrements. Themed weekend events could further stimulate return visits to a particular village. In this way the heritage and culture is taken along new avenues rather than being fossilised. Care and quality in presentation, coupled with the policy and management considerations debated throughout this thesis, avoid the excesses of Disneyfication.

 

One particular initiative which illustrates the potential for this approach is the Wild West Sussex campaign. Launched by the County Council, the scheme identifies specific locations for their wildlife appeal in winter. In this way, off peak facility utilisation is increased as well as enhancing the public's appreciation of the Sussex wildlife heritage.[17]

 

By approaching the social implications of tourism in this manner, the negative consequences of seeking an idealised landscape are minimised. In Chapter 10, under the review of the Dartmoor case study, point (v) identifies the need to consider a landscape as a working environment. People have to thrive and prosper and an emphasis solely on conservation fossilises the landscape with the consequent social implications.

 

Visitors to a village mean an increase in people numbers and infrastructure changes are inevitable. Carrying capacity has already been considered and the proposals of Chapter 11 safeguard against environmental degradation. The inherent advantage to the village community is that facilities such as shops and public houses become more viable. The closure of a village post office causes genuine hardship to those who rely on the facilities for collecting pensions and allowances. The suggestion that a journey by public transport is an acceptable alternative is not enthusiastically received by the elderly and extremely poor.[18] Positivist theory "thresholds for survival" for local facilities can be retrieved with increased visitor numbers enabling retail services to be reinstated. The Tucker Project carried out by the Sussex Rural Community Council in 1992 concluded that 25 percent of village shops were considered non-viable by their owners and that 33 percent were expecting to close or sell up within two years.[19] A new role for the village shop in servicing tourism would put fresh impetus into an ailing local business opportunity.

The development of such localised activity however requires a "bottom up" approach. The CPRE emphasise this point in their response to the ETB draft strategy Towards the Year 2000. Whilst an environmental zoning, as set out in Chapter 11, may well provide the planning status for the development of local initiatives, the CPRE underline the importance of the tourist industry promoting the involvement of local or host communities in their planning.[20]  This could well become a role for the Sussex Area Tourism Initiative [21], working in conjunction with Parish or local Community Councils.

 

It has already been noted that a principal appeal of the countryside, for the middle classes, is to escape the less desirable aspects of urban life. A thriving rural community has significant attractions for the urban dweller, not just as a place to visit but also as a possible future permanent home. When the opportunity arises, second homes and relocation or retirement homes are one of the manifestations of a tourist industry. The impact of second homes on Welsh villages and elsewhere was well documented in the 1980s, leaving houses that are empty for much of the year and inflated prices out of reach of the local populace.[22]

 

The conserved environment has encouraged the acquisition of second homes on Dartmoor. Also identified is the conversion of normal rented accommodation to holiday accommodation. Both processes take local housing out of the reach of the local populace. Weir notes a house auction in Widecombe where the sale was accompanied by a cheer from the assembly when it, unusually, went to a local buyer.[23]

 

There is however a benefit not to be ignored. During the 1980s many derelict farm buildings throughout England were restored as a result of planning policies enabling sympathetic conversion of previously non residential buildings. Much of the finance for such conversions came from urban sources as individuals invested in the creation of desirable country homes. As a result a host of historic farm buildings were returned to use rather than left to fall into dereliction and eventual loss. Little attention is given to the subsequent fall in property values and the doubtful financial viability of the investment. Many such properties are now rented to local people at modest rents rather than leaving them empty. The result is that rural housing stock has been increased and improved with community benefits to be had either in the form of tourism or the availability of rented accommodation. Furthermore this has been done without a drain on local authority housing resources and finance. The importance of redundant farm buildings for the establishment of rural enterprise is highlighted by Short. Property costs and availability were the two principal determinants for use as business premises.[24]

 

Wherever there is an influx of visitors, behavioural difficulties arise. This may be through the unintended contravention of the countryside code through negligence or ignorance. Alternatively it may be as a result of deliberate flouting of the law or general inappropriate behaviour. The invasion of hippy travellers to a locality, as cited earlier, makes an interesting case for analysis being an extreme example, but to a lesser extent similar considerations apply to many other visitor groups. Travellers convoys allegedly fall foul of the local populace on a number of counts.[25]

 

1) Noise associated with rave music disturbs rural tranquility.

2) Convoys disrupt local traffic flows.

3) Numbers place great pressure on retail and other facilities.

4) They look untidy/scruffy/offensive.

5) The large numbers supposedly present a threat through civil riot.

6) They take and trade in drugs.

7) They despoil the landscape through litter, defecating, fires and wildlife damage.

8) They trespass.

9) They supposedly reflect the idle, lazy, workshy sector of society.

 

As a result the police are prompted into taking action to control the situation. This involves securing special powers through court orders as well as Parliamentary support through new legislation such as the Public Order Act intended to control this travelling populace.[26] Further costs are incurred by other public bodies: Worthing Borough Council recently spent œ62,000 on bollards on the greensward between Goring and Ferring to deter travellers.[27] The activities of New Age travellers do give legitimate cause for concern and it is fortunate that they are not typical of twentieth century tourists. It should be noted however that many of the offences perpetrated by travellers similarly apply to many others in the countryside, many of them regular users and residents alike. Farmers are notorious for noise and mess, whether it be with chain saws or plastic fertiliser bags and many of the problems of new age travellers relate to carrying capacity considerations rather than a particular assemblage of people. Other activities of the travellers merely offend value systems as cultures clash, as has been noted earlier in this chapter.

 

This does however raise the question of how to establish reasonable codes of behaviour and how they are enforced. It is not only travellers who cause problems, the Wiston Estate reports condoms and other debris from lovers, car burglary, lurcher and other illegitimate hunting pursuits, irresponsible use of vehicles, particularly four wheel drives and motorcycles as well as general litter.[28] Litter is a problem on the Heritage Coast, much of it washed up with the tide.[29] Sea pollution through inadequate sewerage arrangements exacerbates the problem of beach and estuary contamination. The Malvern Hills case study identifies the strengthened powers sought by the Conservators to deal with abandoned vehicles. The Dartmoor case study raises the problems of artifact theft from the Moor and animal rustling. National Parks are also experiencing a wave of building theft. Entire roofs and walls are disappearing as thieves seek original building materials.[30] On the Downland, fly tipping has become a problem on National Trust sites as small builders and D.I.Y. enthusiasts off-load the debris of their labours.[31] Another problem is roaming dogs. Coghlan of The National Trust reports the loss of four pregnant ewes and twelve abortions due to uncontrolled dog attacks on Cissbury Ring in 1992.[32] In addition there is a plethora of minor crimes which go generally unreported.

 

Such crime has substantial social implications for communities on the Downland as well as other tourists to the area. With any tourism plan there must be a strategy for dealing with anti social behaviour. Unfortunately planning documents readily determine parameters and strategies for tourist development and management but rarely consider crime as an integral part of the planning framework. So often it is the property owner who is left to sort out the problems with limited resources and skills. As a result the potential benefits of tourism are masked by the resentment of the activities of a minority, which often go unchecked.

 

Like many problems associated with tourism planning and management there is no single simple answer. A range of actions can however be taken to safeguard the interests of the populace. Recent initiatives are indicative of the fresh approaches being made to resolve the problems of growing crime. West Sussex County Council has recently earmarked œ100,000 a year to enable civilian staff to be recruited by the police, thereby releasing police officers for beat duties. It is hoped that East Sussex County Council will earmark a similar sum. Both sums will be more than matched by a sum from the Home Office.[33]

 

Recently an initiative between the SEETB and Police Force District Commanders has strengthened the liaison between the regular police and tourism interests. Cooperation between tourism interests and the police can be arranged through the Tunbridge Wells offices of SEETB where contact lists are maintained.[34] This enables cooperative planning to take place where particular visitor congregations are anticipated, as well as remedial action to be agreed where problems are occurring.

 

The Country Landowners Association seeks an authoritarian approach to the problems of crime.[35]  Tougher penalties are being sought for fly tipping, a crime which creates eyesores in the countryside, is expensive to clear up and has a direct relevance to tourism. From this example it is apparent that not all tourism related crime is tourist initiated. In this case the tourist is the innocent bystander.

 

The authoritarian approach has appeal elsewhere. Litter dropped over the landward side of the Heritage Coast results in the need for daily clearances in the visitor honey pots and on the spot fines are proposed for the offenders.[36]

 

If such an approach is to be made to anti-social behaviour on the Downland there are two essential requirements. First, the recognition that policing will be a financial cost and second, that a mechanism needs to be in place to empower and support such actions as may be necessary. In the Malvern Hills case study, policing is recognised as a significant task of the Conservators, is budgeted for and the Conservators are empowered under both local bylaws and their own Act to enforce policing through the courts, a course of action which is pursued from time to time.

On the Sussex Downs, a similar situation could prevail. The Conservation Board Officer and rangers could well be empowered under local bylaws to enforce reasonable codes of conduct. This would be particularly appropriate in the case of "field" crime where often the ranger is the most likely on the spot person. Such enforcement does however require full legal service support as well as staff training. In many instances it also involves working closely with the local civil police, as was the case in Malvern with the Castlemorton invasion which, because of its magnitude, was beyond the resources of the Conservators.

 

The control of disruptive uses of legally accessible commons is an issue dealt with by the Countryside Commission. A number of points are raised in the context of arming management bodies with enforcement powers. First the Commission acknowledges that anti-social use of commons can be controlled by bye-laws and that application to the Home Office enables existing penalty levels and other detail to be updated. However, often due to lack of staff, offenders cannot be traced, or if traced prosecutions cannot be funded. This in turn raises a controversial issue; should private prosecutions be funded from public sources albeit in the public interest? A further issue arises in the case of management bodies who seek a new Act to empower them. The cost of such an exercise can range from UK pounds 40,000 - 150,000.[37] In the Malvern Hills case study it has been shown that even after promoting a new Act, the detailed powers sought were considerably diluted, thus questioning the value of the exercise.

 

Hill in the classic Freedom to Roam considers the costs of wardens to police areas with public access. Hill notes that wardening costs can be greater on lowland landscapes and that, as new access areas become available, wardening costs will increase albeit not necessarily proportionately to existing financing levels.[38]

 

The authoritarian approach however is not the only course of action appropriate to ensuring satisfactory behaviour. Education and interpretation play a major role in the development of public awareness of the attributes of the Downland as has been discussed in Chapter 11. Education and interpretation can also play a role in the development of responsible social attitudes and behaviour related to the countryside and its inhabitants. As can be seen from the following examples the opportunity is missed in some instances.

 

The use of education and interpretation as a tool can be seen in action as protected landscapes world wide promote their unique and valued features through a range of media. The field guide to the National Parks of East Africa devotes half of the volume to an evaluation of mammals to be found. In addition each individual park has a detailed explanation of physical geography and wildlife resources.[39] The resulting respect for the natural values of the region imply certain behaviour norms but it takes the USA to be far more forceful in determining what can and cannot be done. The National Geographic guide to the National Parks of the USA deals with the subject matter in a different way. The opening editorial explains to the visitor how to use the Parks in some detail. It sets out appropriate behaviour; for example pets are not allowed in certain areas. Each individual location is then discussed under the headings "when to go" and "how to visit" as well as detailing what is to be seen.[40] In this way the publication performs many roles. It directs tourists away from sensitive areas at sensitive times. It educates as to what is valuable and most importantly it clarifies appropriate behaviour. Only in a secondary role is it a publicity device for promoting tourism.

 

In the UK the approach is different again. The "official" Countryside Commission guide to Dartmoor is much less of a touring guide and instead concentrates on a historical evaluation of the landscape.[41] Such a guide is likely to be read by the serious enthusiast rather than the general public.

 

The nearest equivalent on the Sussex Downs is Millmore's "South Downs Way", one of a number of guides to the long distance footpath and bridleway.[42] This publication is clearly a detailed walkers guide and Millmore's practical approach to countryside recreation is supported by an introduction which outlines the characteristics of the Downland.

 

Where the UK guides differ from the American is that little emphasis is placed on telling the UK visitor directly what not to do. This raises the question: is the purpose of the guide to promote the usage of the countryside, in which case any barriers to enjoyment such as prohibitions are ignored, or is the guide a vehicle for promoting the appropriate use of the countryside? How a venue should be promoted is considered in detail in Chapter 10 which advocates a neutral marketing stance. What is apparent is that whatever media is utilised for detailing tracts of conserved countryside, the treatment of the subject matter requires considerable thought and planning in order that education and interpretation needs are identified and fulfilled. In this way respect for the characteristics linked with clear ideas on appropriate behaviour reduces the need for direct policing. This equally applies to the visitor and the resident to mutual benefit.

 

An alternative method of reducing crime in a protected area comes from the National Trust. Kinver Edge on the border of Staffordshire and Hereford and Worcester is a thickly wooded, sandstone escarpment, its jagged crags looming over the village of Kinver. The soft sandstone has been extensively quarried and mined and as a result, until the 1950s, a community of cave dwellers lived a troglodytic existence on Holy Austin Rock. The site is in the care of the National Trust and more recent experience has focussed attention on the apparent conflict between free public access versus closure resulting from anti-social behaviour.

 

When the last troglodytes moved out, the vandals moved in culminating in an orgy of destruction by passing Hells Angels aided by a chainsaw. This atmospheric, uninhabited location became a playground for those who considered the local off licence of greater importance than the local heritage. The Trust have responded in an imaginative way by re-establishing the residential facilities on the rock after a break of 30 years. Now restored cave cottages, equipped with modern facilities, ensure that the rock is populated at all times of the day and night. The presence of people has removed the appeal to the less responsible element.[43]

 

Extending this concept to the Sussex Downs, the strategic placing of ranger accommodation for SDCB employees could well enable lonely sites to benefit from on site supervision. By advertising the presence of a ranger in the locality, the local populace could also benefit from the knowledge that a SDCB employee is easily accessible for consultation. In this way the grass roots links of the SDCB with rural communities would be enhanced, not only on matters of policing, but also on a range of social issues.

 

Summarising, a common perception of tourism and recreation is that it results in a major intrusion of visitors. This intrusion brings with it a variety of negative impacts, a selection of which have been discussed in this chapter, as the supposed cost of blatant commercial exploitation. In the case of badly managed tourism this situation prevails but as can be seen from the Dartmoor case study, this does not have to be the case. Applying the debate to the Downland solicits a number of observations that have the potential to ameliorate the negative social impacts

 

1) Most Downland residents are likely to be visitors as well as hosts both on the Downland and elsewhere.

 

2) The influx of visitors with their spending power is likely to provide substantial infrastructure benefits as well as enterprise opportunities.

 

3) The ability of the host community to benefit from tourism largely depends on attitudes towards tourists. The Travellers at Malvern reflected a consumer demand for open space, Elsewhere such demand could have been catered for to advantage.[44]

 

4) Where there are people in a countryside environment they will need to understand how to respect that environment. In spite of this, anti-social behaviour will occur occasionally but safeguards can be implemented to reduce this to a minimum.

 

5) What is deemed anti-social behaviour by visitors is often less offensive than comparable behaviour by the local residents.

 

6) Visitors are by and large responsible mature individuals who seek to enjoy recreational facilities. They are often the supporters of the movement which has enabled landscapes to be conserved. They therefore have a common interest in furthering the social welfare of the host communities.

 

In dealing with the social opportunities and problems of tourism what is apparent is that in spite of the top-down approach to establishing strategic frameworks within which local planners can work, there is also a significant need for local communities to participate in the process. This essential bridging role between the activities of a future Sussex Area Tourism Initiative and village groups requires expertise and resources. This in turn emphasises the role of organisations such as Acre, a national charity, set up in 1987 to further the needs of rural people.[45] The Rural Community Council similarly have a distinct role in providing the link between the "top-down" planners, who determine the opportunities and impacts on rural communities, and the rural communities themselves. Many residents in the rural communities, in spite of the influx of the urban middle classes, are not sophisticated engineers of the system able to devote time and resources to orchestrating their interaction, particularly the poor, elderly and less educated. The Parish Councils and Community Groups can be active participants in tourism planning and management but need the guidance of appropriate agencies such as the Rural Community Council to convert the opportunities. In this way rural communities become beneficiaries rather than the victims of tourism.

 

Footnotes:

[1] Browning N. 1950, National Parks and Access to the Countryside, Thames Bank Publishing Co. Essex, p161.

[2] See Chapter 6 Part 3.

[3] Cherrett T. (Sussex Rural Community Council) et al, 1994, Rural Community Needs, a report prepared by the SDCB Rural Development Panel, Jan.

[4] See Chapter 6, part 2.

[5] Glyptis S. 1991, Countryside Recreation, Longman, Harlow, pxi.

[6] See Chapter 1, "4. Cultural Boundaries".

[7] Atkinson et al. 1987, Introduction to Psychology, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, London, p103.

[8] Urry J. 1990, The Tourist Gaze, Sage Pubs. London, p96-99.

[9] Rojek C. 1988, "The Convoy of Pollution", Leisure Studies, 7: 21-31.

[10] Lomas B. 1993, "Travellers' Problems must be Resolved", letters to the editor, West Sussex Gazette, 28 Oct.

[11] See chapter 8, "The Malvern Hills Conservators".

[12] Homer P. 1993, "Travellers Quit Duke's Estate During the Night", West Sussex Gazette, 27 May.

[13] ACRE, 1993, "Crime", Rural Digest, p10, issue 20, 21st Oct.

[14] Wills A. 1994, "New Act used to move travellers", West Sussex Gazette, 24 Nov.

[15] Urry J. 1990, p99.

[16] Osborne B. The Springs, Spouts, Fountains and Wells of the Sussex Downs, forthcoming publication being serialised in Osborne B. 1994-5 "The Springs and Wells of the South Downs", Source Journal, St Asaph.

[17] Homer P. 1993, "Wildlife in Winter Boost for Tourism", West Sussex Gazette, 21 Oct.

[18] West Sussex Gazette, 1993, "Extra Ammunition in Fight for Retention of Sub-Post Offices", 3 June.

[19] Knight J. 1993, "More Help for Hard Pressed Village Shops", West Sussex Gazette, 12 Aug.

[20] CPRE. 1990, Towards the Year 2000, a response to the ETB's draft strategy, CPRE, London.

[21] As proposed in Chapter 10.

[22] Robinson G M. 1990, Conflict and Change in the Countryside, Belhaven Press, London, p122-127.

[23] Weir J. 1987, Dartmoor National Park, Webb & Bower, Exeter, p113.

[24] Short B. 1994, Rural Buildings at Work, Report for Wealden District Council, School of Cultural and Community Studies, University of Sussex, Table 3 and 4:6.

[25] This issue was debated by WSCC on 26 Nov at Chichester and many of these considerations stem from members comments and opinions at that meeting. West Sussex Gazette, 1993, "Fears over Influx of Travellers", 2 Dec.

[26] Homer P. 1993, "Travellers Quit Duke's Estate During Night", West Sussex Gazette, 27 May.

[27] Peet J. 1993, "UK Pounds 62,000 Scheme to Deter Travellers", West Sussex Gazette, 22 April.

[28] Goring H. 1993, personal communication.

[29] County Planning Officer, ESCC & SDCB Officer, 1993, Draft Sussex Heritage Coast Managment Plan, p7.

[30] Friends for National Parks, 1993, "Stones are Lifted", Viewpoint, v11, Summer ed. p17.

[31] Knight J. 1993, "Public Asked to look out for Fly Tippers at Work", West Sussex Gazette, 22 April.

[32] West Sussex Gazette, 1993, "Appeal over Sheep", 23 Sept.

[33] West Sussex Gazette, 1993, "Bid to Boost Beat Bobbies", 8 July.

[34] SEETB announcement at the Commercial Members Meeting, 2 June 1993.

[35] Homer P. 1993, "We must have Tough Action to stop Dumping", West Sussex Gazette, 8 July.

[36] County Planning Officer, ESCC & SDCB Officer, 1993, p31.

[37] Countryside Commission, 1985, Management Schemes for Commons, a study by Land Use Consultants, CCP197, 9:15/9:16.

[38] Hill H. 1980, Freedom to Roam, Moorland Publishing, Ashbourne, p128.

[39] Williams J G. 1986, A Field Guide to the National Parks of East Africa, Collins, London.

[40] National Geographic Society, 1992, National Parks of the United States.

[41] Weir J. 1987.

[42] Millmore P. 1990, The South Downs Way, Arun Press in conjunction with the Countryside Commission.

[43] Forder S-J. 1993, "Living on the Edge", The National Trust Magazine, 69, 28-30.

[44] Malvern Fringe proposed an Oxfam rock festival "Alternative Eastnor" gig which coincided with the Castlemorton invasion, Malvern Gazette, 29 May 1992.

[45] Acre, c.1993, "The Hidden Population", promotional leaflet.